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Article
September 2024

Why did labor force nonparticipation increase from 1999 to 2022?

The labor force nonparticipation rate—the percentage of people aged 16 and older who are neither working nor looking for work—increased from 1999 to 2022. Data from the Current Population Survey and its Annual Social and Economic Supplement provide insight into why labor force nonparticipants did not work. From 1999 to 2022, there was an increase in nonparticipation due to retirement, school attendance, illness or disability, and “other reasons.” Nearly three-fourths of the total increase in nonparticipation was due to retirement. Nonparticipation rates and the reasons people gave for not working varied by age and gender. Among younger people, the nonparticipation rate rose sharply from 1999 to 2022, and the most frequently cited reason for not working was school attendance. Labor force nonparticipation rates also rose for both men and women aged 25 to 54. Illness or disability was the most common reason men aged 25 to 54 gave for not working, and it was the second most common reason cited by women aged 25 to 54, after home responsibilities. Women in this age group were much more likely than were men to cite home responsibilities as their main reason for not working. Men and women aged 25 to 54 with less education were more likely to be labor force nonparticipants than were their more educated counterparts. From 1999 to 2022, the increases in the nonparticipation rates of men and women aged 25 to 54 were larger for those with less education than they were for those with more education. From 1999 to 2022, the nonparticipation rate of people aged 55 and older declined. People aged 55 and older most often cited retirement as their main reason for not working.

People who are neither working nor looking for work are counted as “not in the labor force” by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. From 1999 to 2022, the percentage of people aged 16 and older who were not in the labor force increased. Data from the Current Population Survey (CPS) and its Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) provide some insight into why people are not in the labor force.1 The ASEC is administered in the months of February through April and includes questions about work and other activities in the previous calendar year. For example, data collected in 2000 pertain to the 1999 calendar year, and data collected in 2023 cover the 2022 calendar year.2 In the ASEC, people who did not work at all in the previous year are asked to give the main reason why they did not work.3 Interviewers place survey participants’ responses into the following six categories: (1) ill or disabled and unable to work, (2) retired, (3) taking care of home or family, (4) going to school, (5) could not find work, and (6) doing something else.4 People who did not work at all in the previous year are also asked if they looked for work or were on layoff at any time during the previous year.

This article examines data on people who were not in the labor force—those who neither worked nor looked for work—and the reasons they gave for not working.5 Data for 1999 are used as a point of comparison because the labor force nonparticipation rate—the percentage of the population that was not in the labor force—reached a low point that year, according to ASEC data.6 (See the box that follows for the labor force concepts and definitions used in this article.) This article compares the reasons for not working in 1999 and 2022 and examines the most common reasons for not working for selected age and gender groups from 1999 to 2022.

Labor force concepts and definitions

This article uses the following labor force concepts and definitions:

Total population: Civilian noninstitutional population aged 16 years and older.

Labor force nonparticipants: people in the total population who are neither working nor looking for work.

Labor force participants: people in the total population who are either working or looking for work.

Note that the total population can also be seen as the sum of labor force participants and labor force nonparticipants.

Total labor force nonparticipation rate = (Labor force nonparticipants ÷ Total population) x 100.

Labor force nonparticipation rate of a specified age and/or gender group = (Labor force nonparticipants in the specified age and/or gender group ÷ Population of the specified age and/or gender group) x 100.

Labor force nonparticipation rate due to a specified reason (for example, retirement) = (Labor force nonparticipants due to the specified reason in the total population ÷ Total population) x 100.

Labor force nonparticipation rate due to a specified reason of a specified age and/or gender group = (Labor force nonparticipants due to the specified reason in the specified age and/or gender group ÷ Population of the specified age and/or gender group) x 100.

For example, Labor force nonparticipation rate due to retirement of people aged 65 and older = (Labor force nonparticipants due to retirement aged 65 and older ÷ Population aged 65 and older) x 100.

This could also be seen as (Labor force nonparticipants due to retirement aged 65 and older ÷ [Labor force participants aged 65 and older + Labor force nonparticipants aged 65 and older]) x 100.

The age effect

The age distribution of the population can strongly influence the overall percentage of the population that is not in the labor force. Chart 1 shows the percent distribution of the civilian noninstitutional population by age in 1999 and 2022. For more than seven decades, the large baby-boom generation—the 76 million people born between 1946 and 1964—has had a profound effect on the total population’s size and composition. In 1999, the oldest baby boomers, born in 1946, had not yet entered the age group of people aged 65 and older, which historically has had a high labor force nonparticipation rate. By 2022, however, 57 percent of the baby-boom population was aged 65 and older.7 The aging of the baby-boom generation contributed to an increase in the percentage of the total population that was aged 65 and older, from 15.6 percent in 1999 to 21.7 percent in 2022.

Table 1 shows nonparticipation rates by age and gender for 2022. Among men and women aged 55 and older, the nonparticipation rate increased with age, and the rates were highest in the age categories above age 64. Because older adults were more likely than younger people to be outside of the labor force, the aging of the population from 1999 to 2022 contributed to an increase in the percentage of the overall population that was not in the labor force.8

Table 1. Labor force nonparticipation rates, by age and gender, 2022
Age groupMenWomen

16 years and older

30.440.4

16 to 24 years

40.442.2

25 to 54 years

10.921.0

55 to 59 years

19.129.1

60 to 64 years

32.845.2

60 to 61 years

26.939.1

62 to 64 years

37.049.2

65 to 69 years

56.765.4

70 years and older

81.887.4

Source: Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey.

Trends in overall labor force nonparticipation

As mentioned previously, the labor force nonparticipation rate in a given year is defined as the percentage of the total civilian noninstitutional population that neither worked nor looked for work during that year. Chart 2 shows the nonparticipation rate during the 35-year period from 1987 to 2022, which includes the years leading up to the most recent low point in the nonparticipation rate in 1999.9 From 1987 to 2022, the nonparticipation rate increased by 6.3 percentage points, from 29.2 percent to 35.5 percent. As chart 2 indicates, there were fluctuations in the nonparticipation rate between 1987 and 2022. During the late 1980s, the nonparticipation rate declined slightly. The rate then rose from 28.8 percent in 1989 to 29.6 percent in 1992, as labor market conditions worsened during the recession of the early 1990s.10 From 1993 to 1998, the rate remained at or just above 29.0 percent, before declining to its most recent low of 28.7 percent in 1999.

During the early 2000s, the nonparticipation rate rose again, in part because of sharp increases in nonparticipation among teenagers and young adults. Then, from 2003 to 2008, the rate gradually increased from 31.1 percent to 31.7 percent. As labor market conditions deteriorated during the recession of the late 2000s, the nonparticipation rate rose sharply, and it reached 34.2 percent in 2011.11

As the oldest baby boomers reached age 65 and began retiring in the early 2010s, large numbers of older adults left the labor force, which contributed to a further increase in the nonparticipation rate. The rate rose from 34.0 percent in 2012 to 35.0 percent in 2014 and remained steady for the next several years. Improving labor market conditions during those years may have offset the effect of baby-boomer retirements on the nonparticipation rate. In 2019, as the strong labor market continued, the nonparticipation rate declined to 34.0 percent. When the COVID-19 pandemic struck the U.S. labor market in 2020, the nonparticipation rate jumped back up to 35.1 percent. The rate then rose to 35.6 percent in 2021, and in 2022, it remained essentially flat, at 35.5 percent.

Trends in labor force nonparticipation of selected age and gender groups

Labor force nonparticipation varied widely among the major age and gender groups. As shown in chart 3, after people aged 65 and older, teenagers aged 16 to 19 had the second highest nonparticipation rates in most years between 1987 and 2022. The rate for teenagers remained at about 34 percent from 1987 to 1989, before rising sharply and reaching 39.8 percent in 1991. The nonparticipation rate of teenagers then stayed within a narrow range of about 39 to 42 percent from 1992 to 2000. The rate rose steadily during the 2000s and reached 65.7 percent in 2010. The increase in the nonparticipation rate of teenagers during the 2000s coincided with a period of rising school enrollment.12 During the 2010s, the teenage nonparticipation rate gradually declined, and by 2022, it had fallen to 60.1 percent.

The trend in the nonparticipation rate of young adults aged 20 to 24 was similar to that of teenagers, although the increase in the rate for young adults was not as steep as that for teenagers. The nonparticipation rate of young adults, at 12.9 percent in 1987 and 1988, rose slightly over the next several years and then stayed within a narrow range of about 15 to 16 percent from 1991 to 2000. It then increased gradually during the 2000s, reached 26.6 percent in 2010, and remained close to that level through 2022.

The nonparticipation rate of men aged 25 to 54 remained at about 5 percent from 1987 to 1990, before it gradually rose over the next two decades and reached 11.2 percent in 2011. The rate stayed near that level through 2022. The nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 trended down from 22.1 percent in 1987 to 18.7 percent in 1999.13 It then increased over the next 15 years and reached 24.2 percent in 2014. The nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 subsequently declined, to 21.0 percent by 2022.14

The nonparticipation rate of people aged 55 to 64 slowly trended down from 38.9 percent in 1987 to 30.9 percent in 2007. The rate remained near that level through 2018, and it then declined to a low of 30.0 percent in 2019.15 After the COVID-19 pandemic reached the United States, the nonparticipation rate of 55- to 64-year-olds increased, and in 2022 it was 31.8 percent.

Not surprisingly, people aged 65 and older had the highest rates of nonparticipation, mainly because of retirement. Between 1987 and 2022, the trend in nonparticipation among people aged 65 and older was similar to that of 55- to 64-year-olds. After staying in a narrow range of about 83 to 85 percent from 1987 to 2002, the nonparticipation rate of people aged 65 and older gradually declined to a low of 76.2 percent in 2018 and 2019.16 This trend then reversed itself after the COVID-19 pandemic took hold, and by 2022, the nonparticipation rate of people aged 65 and older had increased to 77.4 percent.

Changes in the reasons for not working

In 2022, 94.5 million people aged 16 and older neither worked nor looked for work at any time during the year. (See chart 4 and table 2.) Of this group, 48.8 million people reported retirement as their main reason for not working. About 15.0 million people said they were attending school, and 14.5 million said they were ill or had a disability. Another 13.1 million people cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working in 2022, and 3.0 million gave “other reasons.”

Table 2. People who were not in the labor force, by age, gender, and reason for not working in 1999 and 2022 
Age and genderNumber (in thousands)Percent of the total population in
the specified age and gender group
1999202219992022

Total, 16 years and older

60,04794,52228.735.5

Ill or disabled

10,19414,5344.95.5

Retirement

28,05748,83213.418.3

Home responsibilities

11,78413,0975.64.9

School attendance

8,48315,0484.15.7

Other reasons

1,5303,0110.71.1

Total, 16 to 19 years

6,61010,32740.960.1

Ill or disabled

1383040.91.8

Retirement

37460.20.3

Home responsibilities

3583132.21.8

School attendance

5,8729,37136.454.5

Other reasons

2052931.31.7

Total, 20 to 24 years

2,9245,89816.026.7

Ill or disabled

2215531.22.5

Retirement

281190.20.5

Home responsibilities

8118674.43.9

School attendance

1,5123,8268.317.3

Other reasons

3525341.92.4

Men, 25 to 54 years

4,1016,9537.110.9

Ill or disabled

2,6053,3324.55.2

Retirement

3358060.61.3

Home responsibilities

3239580.61.5

School attendance

3728120.61.3

Other reasons

4651,0450.81.6

Women, 25 to 54 years

11,32913,39518.721.0

Ill or disabled

2,2922,6783.84.2

Retirement

3448730.61.4

Home responsibilities

7,7698,30112.813.0

School attendance

6639251.11.4

Other reasons

2616180.41.0

Total, 55 to 64 years

8,07913,14834.631.8

Ill or disabled

2,5374,78010.811.6

Retirement

3,9376,03116.814.6

Home responsibilities

1,4301,9406.14.7

School attendance

43730.20.2

Other reasons

1333240.60.8

Total, 65 years and older

27,00344,80182.877.4

Ill or disabled

2,4002,8857.45.0

Retirement

23,37640,95771.770.8

Home responsibilities

1,0937193.41.2

School attendance

21420.10.1

Other reasons

1141980.30.3

Note: The “other reasons” category includes people who reported that they could not find work and those who reported other unspecified reasons.

Source: Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey.

Chart 5 presents the reasons that people who were not in the labor force gave for not working in 1999 and 2022. It shows the percentage of the total population that was not in the labor force for each specific reason. The chart illustrates how the reasons for not working changed between 1999 and 2022, a period during which the nonparticipation rate of people aged 16 and older increased from 28.7 percent to 35.5 percent.17 The proportion of people aged 16 and older who were not in the labor force and who reported retirement as their main reason for not working rose from 13.4 percent in 1999 to 18.3 percent in 2022.

Meanwhile, the percentage of people aged 16 and older who were not in the labor force and did not work because of school attendance increased from 4.1 percent to 5.7 percent. The proportion of people who cited illness or disability as their main reason for not working rose from 4.9 percent in 1999 to 5.5 percent in 2022, while the percentage that cited “other reasons” edged up from 0.7 percent to 1.1 percent. The proportion of people who were not in the labor force because of home responsibilities declined from 5.6 percent in 1999 to 4.9 percent in 2022.

The rise in the total nonparticipation rate between 1999 and 2022 was mainly due to an increase in retirement, which reflected the aging of the large baby-boom population. (See chart 6.) Retirement accounted for nearly three-fourths of the net increase of 6.8 percentage points in the total nonparticipation rate between 1999 and 2022. School attendance, illness or disability, and “other reasons” also contributed to the rise in nonparticipation during this period, but their contributions were much smaller.

As chart 6 shows, there was variation in the timing of each reason’s impact on the overall nonparticipation rate. The rise in the overall nonparticipation rate from 1999 to 2010 was primarily due to increases in nonparticipation due to school attendance and illness or disability; from 2010 to 2022, the increase in the nonparticipation rate was almost entirely attributable to a rise in nonparticipation due to retirement. The percentage of the population that did not work because of school attendance rose from 4.1 percent in 1999 to 6.6 percent in 2010; it then gradually trended down, to 5.7 percent by 2022.18 The nonparticipation rate due to illness or disability rose from 4.9 percent in 1999 to 6.5 percent in 2013; the rate stayed at that level until 2016, before receding to 5.5 percent by 2022.19 The nonparticipation rate due to retirement increased from 13.4 percent in 1999 to 13.8 percent in 2000, and it remained at about 14 percent for the next decade. Starting in 2011, the nonparticipation rate due to retirement increased steadily with the aging of the baby-boom population, and it reached 18.3 percent in 2022.20

The percentage of people who did not work because of home responsibilities gradually trended up from 5.6 percent in 1999 to 6.1 percent in 2005; it then slowly trended down, to 4.9 percent by 2022. The share of people who did not work for “other reasons” remained between 0.7 and 1.4 percent throughout the entire 23-year period from 1999 to 2022.

Teenagers and young adults

Reasons for nonparticipation varied considerably by age. The nonparticipation rate of teenagers aged 16 to 19 increased from 40.9 percent in 1999 to 60.1 percent in 2022. (See chart 7 and table 2.) This rise in nonparticipation among teenagers was the largest of all the age and gender groups. In both 1999 and 2022, teenagers most often cited school attendance as their main reason for not working.21 The proportion of teenagers who did not work at all because of school attendance rose from 36.4 percent in 1999 to 54.5 percent in 2022—a net increase of about 18 percentage points.

From 1999 to 2022, the nonparticipation rate of young adults aged 20 to 24 increased from 16.0 percent to 26.7 percent. (See chart 8 and table 2.) Like teenagers, young adults most often reported school attendance as their main reason for not working. The percentage of the population aged 20 to 24 that did not work because of school attendance increased from 8.3 percent in 1999 to 17.3 percent in 2022. In both 1999 and 2022, young adults were more likely than teenagers to cite home responsibilities or illness or disability as their main reason for not working.

As discussed previously, from 1999 to 2022, teenagers aged 16 to 19 and young adults aged 20 to 24 most often reported school attendance as their main reason for not working. During the 2000s, nonparticipation due to school attendance rose sharply for both groups. (See chart 9.) The percentage of teenagers who cited school attendance as their main reason for not working rose from 36.4 percent in 1999 to 60.1 percent in 2010; by 2022, it had receded to 54.5 percent. Researchers have attributed the rise in labor force nonparticipation among teenagers during the 2000s to factors such as increased summer school attendance during high school years, more strenuous coursework in high school, and greater parental emphasis on school-related activities and on attending college.22

A related measure that can be examined is the overall teenage school enrollment rate, which is the percentage of teenagers enrolled in school regardless of their labor force status. The school enrollment rate of teenagers aged 16 to 19 rose from 77.2 percent in 1999 to a peak of 83.1 percent in 2011; by 2022, it had receded to 78.7 percent.23 One might expect that a rise in the teenage school enrollment rate would be the primary cause of the sharp increase in the teenage nonparticipation rate due to school attendance from 1999 to 2022. However, the teenage school enrollment rate had a net increase of only 1.5 percentage points from 1999 to 2022, compared with a net increase of about 18 percentage points in the teenage nonparticipation rate due to school attendance. Changes in teenage school enrollment therefore do not appear to have played a major role in the substantial increase in teenage nonparticipation due to school attendance from 1999 to 2022.

Among young adults aged 20 to 24, the share who did not work because of school attendance roughly doubled from about 8 percent in 1999 to about 16 percent in 2010. It then remained in a narrow range of about 16 to 18 percent through 2022. (See chart 9.) With respect to the school enrollment rate of young adults, it rose from 32.8 percent in 1999 to a peak of 40.2 percent in 2012, before receding to 37.2 percent by 2022. The increase in school enrollment of young adults between 1999 and 2022 appears to have been driven by a rise in college enrollment.24 The young adult school enrollment rate showed a net increase of 4.4 percentage points from 1999 to 2022, compared with a net increase of 9.0 percentage points in the young adult nonparticipation rate due to school attendance. The rise in college enrollment among 20- to 24-year-olds might therefore partly explain the increase in nonparticipation due to school attendance from 1999 to 2022.

Men and women aged 25 to 54

The percentage of people aged 25 to 54 who were not in the labor force and their reasons for not working varied by gender. The nonparticipation rate of men aged 25 to 54 rose from 7.1 percent in 1999 to 10.9 percent in 2022.25 (See chart 10 and table 2.) In both years, the main reason they cited for not working was illness or disability. From 1999 to 2022, the percentage of men aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of illness or disability rose from 4.5 percent to 5.2 percent. The percentage of men aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of school attendance rose from 0.6 percent in 1999 to 1.3 percent in 2022, while the proportion who cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working increased from 0.6 percent to 1.5 percent. The share of men aged 25 to 54 who reported retirement as their main reason for not working rose from 0.6 percent in 1999 to 1.3 percent in 2022, while the percentage who cited “other reasons” increased from 0.8 percent to 1.6 percent.

Among men aged 25 to 54, those with less education were more likely to be labor force nonparticipants than their counterparts with more education. In 2022, 20.2 percent of men aged 25 to 54 with less than a high school diploma did not participate in the labor force, compared with 15.2 percent of high school graduates, 11.0 percent of those with some college or an associate’s degree, and 5.5 percent of college graduates. (See chart 11 and table 3.) Still, from 1999 to 2022, labor force nonparticipation rates of men aged 25 to 54 increased in all educational attainment categories.

Table 3. Men aged 25 to 54 who were not in the labor force, by educational attainment and reason for not working in 1999 and 2022
Educational attainmentNumber (in thousands)Percent of the total population in the
specified educational attainment group
1999202219992022

Less than a high school diploma

1,2391,08617.720.2

Ill or disabled

91165213.012.1

Retirement

44570.61.1

Home responsibilities

891351.32.5

School attendance

36770.51.4

Other reasons

1591652.33.1

High school graduates, no college

1,4702,8437.815.2

Ill or disabled

1,0461,6675.68.9

Retirement

1042630.61.4

Home responsibilities

1213510.61.9

School attendance

311400.20.7

Other reasons

1694240.92.3

Some college or associate degree

9291,6776.111.0

Ill or disabled

5337653.55.0

Retirement

1112150.71.4

Home responsibilities

592360.41.5

School attendance

1522571.01.7

Other reasons

742050.51.3

College graduates

4621,3472.75.5

Ill or disabled

1152490.71.0

Retirement

762720.51.1

Home responsibilities

542360.31.0

School attendance

1543390.91.4

Other reasons

632520.41.0

Note: The “other reasons” category includes people who reported that they could not find work and those who reported other unspecified reasons.

Source: Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey.

As mentioned previously, men aged 25 to 54 most often cited illness or disability as their main reason for not working. Less educated men were more likely than those with more education to cite illness or disability as their main reason for not working. (See chart 12 and table 3.) In 2022, 12.1 percent of men aged 25 to 54 with less than a high school diploma cited illness or disability as their main reason for not working, versus only 1.0 percent of college graduates.

Among people aged 25 to 54, women were more likely than men to be nonparticipants in the labor force. The nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 rose from 18.7 percent in 1999 to 21.0 percent in 2022. (See chart 13 and table 2.) Unlike men, women most often cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working. About 13 percent of women aged 25 to 54 reported this reason in both 1999 and 2022. The proportion of women aged 25 to 54 who cited illness or disability rose slightly, from 3.8 percent in 1999 to 4.2 percent in 2022.

The percentage of women aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of retirement also increased, from 0.6 percent in 1999 to 1.4 percent in 2022, while the proportion who did not work because of “other reasons” rose from 0.4 percent to 1.0 percent. The share of women aged 25 to 54 who cited school attendance as their main reason for not working edged up from 1.1 percent in 1999 to 1.4 percent in 2022.

Sizeable percentages of men and women aged 25 to 54 cited illness or disability as their main reason for not working. The percentages of men and women aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of illness or disability rose steadily from 1999 to 2014. (See chart 14.) For men, the percentage increased from 4.5 percent in 1999 to 6.0 percent in 2014, while, for women, it rose from 3.8 percent to 5.7 percent. This rise in nonparticipation due to illness or disability could be attributed, in part, to the aging of the large baby-boom population, as the incidence of disability has tended to be higher among older age groups. Between 1999 and 2014, 45- to 54-year-olds became an increasingly larger share of the 25- to 54-year-old population.26

Because the majority of Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) recipients do not participate in the labor force because of a disability, it is useful to examine how information on SSDI recipients compares with ASEC data.27 As mentioned previously, ASEC data showed an increase from 1999 to 2014 in the percentage of people aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of illness or disability. From 1999 to 2014, there was also a steady increase in the number of SSDI recipients. Among 25- to 54-year-olds, the likelihood of filing for SSDI benefits has been found to rise steadily with age, especially after age 44.28

Between 2014 and 2022, the percentages of men and women aged 25 to 54 who did not work because of illness or disability trended down; the declines were somewhat steeper from 2015 to 2019. Data on SSDI recipients showed a similar trend from 2015 to 2019. During this period, there was a sharp decrease in the number of SSDI recipients. Researchers have noted that the drop in SSDI recipients coincided with retraining of administrative law judges, which reduced the rate of SSDI benefits awarded on appeal. In addition, improving labor market conditions during this period could have enticed some people with less severe disabilities, who were able to work in some capacity, to forgo the SSDI application process and participate in the labor force.29

Among people aged 25 to 54, women were much more likely than men to cite home responsibilities as their main reason for not working. (See chart 15.) From 1999 to 2022, the nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 due to home responsibilities remained in a narrow range of about 13 to 15 percent. For men aged 25 to 54, the nonparticipation rate due to home responsibilities trended up slightly, from 0.6 percent in 1999 to 1.5 percent in 2022.

As was the case for men, women aged 25 to 54 with less education were much more likely than those with more education to be labor force nonparticipants. In 2022, 47.6 percent of women aged 25 to 54 with less than a high school diploma did not participate in the labor force, compared with 13.5 percent of those with a college education. (See chart 16 and table 4.) Between 1999 and 2022, the rise in nonparticipation among women aged 25 to 54 was larger for those with less than a college degree than for those with a college degree or higher.

Table 4. Women aged 25 to 54 who were not in the labor force, by educational attainment and reason for not working in 1999 and 2022
Educational attainmentNumber (in thousands)Percent of the total population in the
specified educational attainment group
1999202219992022

Less than a high school diploma

2,5732,04838.847.6

Ill or disabled

73044111.010.2

Retirement

43700.61.6

Home responsibilities

1,6501,38624.932.2

School attendance

100621.51.4

Other reasons

50880.82.0

High school graduates, no college

3,8784,19620.229.2

Ill or disabled

8281,1544.38.0

Retirement

1382560.71.8

Home responsibilities

2,7282,50514.217.4

School attendance

107970.60.7

Other reasons

771840.41.3

Some college or associate degree

2,7253,17315.420.1

Ill or disabled

5267293.04.6

Retirement

791850.41.2

Home responsibilities

1,8011,86310.211.8

School attendance

2482761.41.8

Other reasons

721200.40.8

College graduates

2,1533,97812.613.5

Ill or disabled

2093541.21.2

Retirement

853610.51.2

Home responsibilities

1,5902,5479.38.6

School attendance

2084901.21.7

Other reasons

612260.40.8

Note: The “other reasons” category includes people who reported that they could not find work and those who reported other unspecified reasons.

Source: Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey.

As mentioned previously, women aged 25 to 54 most often cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working. Those with less education were especially likely to cite this reason. (See chart 17 and table 4.) In 2022, among women aged 25 to 54, 32.2 percent of those with less than a high school diploma, 17.4 percent of high school graduates with no college, 11.8 percent of those with at least some college, and 8.6 percent of college graduates cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working.

Among women aged 25 to 54, illness or disability was another common reason for not working, though the likelihood of not working due to illness or disability was lower at higher levels of educational attainment. (See chart 18 and table 4.) In 2022, 10.2 percent of women aged 25 to 54 with less than a high school diploma cited illness or disability as their main reason for not working, while only 1.2 percent of college graduates gave this reason.

The older population

As might be expected, older adults had a high rate of labor force nonparticipation from 1999 to 2022, mainly because of retirement. The nonparticipation rate of older adults did decline, however, during this period. The nonparticipation rate of people aged 55 to 64 decreased from 34.6 percent in 1999 to 31.8 percent in 2022. (See chart 19 and table 2.) People aged 55 to 64 most often cited retirement as their main reason for not working. From 1999 to 2022, the number of people aged 55 to 64 who cited retirement as their main reason for not working rose from 3.9 million to 6.0 million. However, with strong labor force growth in this increasingly large age group during this period, the proportion of people aged 55 to 64 who cited retirement as their main reason for not working actually fell, from 16.8 percent to 14.6 percent. The share of people aged 55 to 64 who did not work because of home responsibilities declined from 6.1 percent in 1999 to 4.7 percent in 2022, while the percentage who said they did not work because of illness or disability increased slightly, from 10.8 percent to 11.6 percent.

People aged 65 and older were more likely than those aged 55 to 64 to be labor force nonparticipants. The nonparticipation rate of people aged 65 and older also declined, however, from 82.8 percent in 1999 to 77.4 percent in 2022. (See chart 20 and table 2.) Like people aged 55 to 64, those 65 and older most often cited retirement as their main reason for not working. From 1999 to 2022, the number of people aged 65 and older who cited retirement as their main reason for not working increased from 23.4 million to 41.0 million; however, with strong labor force growth in this increasingly large age group, the percentage of people aged 65 and older who reported this reason declined slightly, from 71.7 percent in 1999 to 70.8 percent in 2022. The percentage of people aged 65 and older who cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working declined from 3.4 percent in 1999 to 1.2 percent in 2022, while the proportion that did not work because of illness or disability fell from 7.4 percent to 5.0 percent.

As mentioned previously, people aged 55 to 64 and those aged 65 and older most often cited retirement as their main reason for not working. The percentages of people in these age groups who cited retirement as their main reason for not working fluctuated between 1999 and 2022. (See chart 21.) The percentage of people aged 55 to 64 who did not work because of retirement increased from 16.8 percent in 1999 to 18.1 percent in 2000, before dropping to 12.8 percent by 2015. The rate then trended up again, and in 2022, it was 14.6 percent. Among people aged 65 and older, the nonparticipation rate due to retirement increased from 71.7 percent in 1999 to 73.7 percent in 2001.

The rate fell in the ensuing years, and in 2016, it was 67.4 percent; by 2022, it had risen again, to 70.8 percent. While older adult nonparticipation due to retirement declined during the 2000s and early 2010s, the average retirement ages for men and women trended up.30 Then, during the late 2010s and early 2020s, as older adult nonparticipation due to retirement increased and the number of Social Security retirement beneficiaries rose sharply, the average retirement ages for men and women remained relatively flat.31 As shown in chart 21 and table 2, despite the increases in the nonparticipation rates due to retirement among people aged 55 to 64 and those aged 65 and older between 2015 and 2022, the rates were still lower in 2022 than they were in 1999. Possible contributors to the decline in labor force nonparticipation, or rise in work activity, among older men and women between 1999 and 2022 include an increase in the full retirement age for Social Security, changes to private retirement plans, increased life expectancy, and higher educational attainment of older adults.32

After retirement, illness or disability was the second most common reason people aged 55 to 64 gave for not working. The nonparticipation rate due to illness or disability of 55- to 64-year-olds rose from 10.8 percent in 1999 to 13.4 percent in 2016; it then trended down, to 11.6 percent by 2022. (See chart 22.) This increase and subsequent decline in nonparticipation due to illness or disability paralleled a rise and fall in the number of SSDI recipients during this period.33

Despite a higher incidence of disability among people aged 65 and older compared with that of younger people, the percentage of people aged 65 and older who did not work because of illness or disability was consistently lower than that of people aged 55 to 64 from 1999 to 2022. (See chart 22.) The nonparticipation rate due to illness or disability of people aged 65 and older held at about 7 percent from 1999 to 2016; the rate then trended down, to 5.0 percent by 2022.  This lower rate among people aged 65 and older compared to those aged 55 to 64 might have been due, in part, to a shift from SSDI to Social Security retirement benefits. When workers reach their full retirement age for Social Security (66 to 67 for baby boomers, for example), they generally transition from SSDI benefits to Social Security retirement benefits.34 While a certain proportion of nonparticipants aged 55 to 64 reported illness or disability as their main reason for not working, some of those with a similar illness or disability but who had reached their full retirement age for Social Security might instead have reported retirement as their main reason for not working.

COVID-19 pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic and efforts to contain it had a severe impact on the U.S. labor force, especially in 2020 and 2021.35 In 2019—the year before the pandemic—the overall nonparticipation rate was 34.0 percent. (See chart 23 and table 5.) In 2020, it rose to 35.1 percent and continued to increase to 35.6 percent in 2021; in 2022, the rate was 35.5 percent.36 The absolute number of people who did not work or look for work rose from 88.8 million in 2019 to 94.5 million in 2022.37

 Table 5. People who were not in the labor force, by age, gender, and reason for not working, 2019–2022
Age and genderNumber (in thousands)Percent of the total population in
the specified age and gender group
20192020202120222019202020212022

Total, 16 years and older

88,76991,95493,73794,52234.035.135.635.5

Ill or disabled

14,76014,95915,12314,5345.75.75.75.5

Retirement

43,80445,64947,28248,83216.817.417.918.3

Home responsibilities

12,66913,04713,08213,0974.95.05.04.9

School attendance

15,31415,38414,98415,0485.95.95.75.7

Other reasons

2,2232,9153,2663,0110.91.11.21.1

Total, 16 to 19 years

10,44910,75210,49810,32761.363.461.760.1

Ill or disabled

2913713123041.72.21.81.8

Retirement

555438460.30.30.20.3

Home responsibilities

2443313203131.42.01.91.8

School attendance

9,6319,7259,5339,37156.557.356.054.5

Other reasons

2282712942931.31.61.71.7

Total, 20 to 24 years

5,2565,6795,5575,89825.327.326.626.7

Ill or disabled

5006366025532.43.12.92.5

Retirement

5376761190.30.40.40.5

Home responsibilities

6647648348673.23.74.03.9

School attendance

3,6493,7653,5233,82617.618.116.917.3

Other reasons

3914395215341.92.12.52.4

Men, 25 to 54 years

6,4426,8627,0256,95310.210.911.110.9

Ill or disabled

3,2333,3923,3113,3325.15.45.25.2

Retirement

6507899488061.01.21.51.3

Home responsibilities

8099268939581.31.51.41.5

School attendance

9148548438121.41.41.31.3

Other reasons

8359021,0301,0451.31.41.61.6

Women, 25 to 54 years

13,25313,77413,89213,39520.721.521.721.0

Ill or disabled

2,7972,8182,8242,6784.44.44.44.2

Retirement

7668939758731.21.41.51.4

Home responsibilities

8,2848,4748,4488,30112.913.213.213.0

School attendance

9639139369251.51.41.51.4

Other reasons

4426777096180.71.11.11.0

Total, 55 to 64 years

12,74013,16113,16813,14830.030.931.231.8

Ill or disabled

4,9884,9694,9984,78011.811.711.911.6

Retirement

5,5795,8395,7986,03113.213.713.814.6

Home responsibilities

1,8721,8511,7821,9404.44.34.24.7

School attendance

11210299730.30.20.20.2

Other reasons

1904014903240.40.91.20.8

Total, 65 years and older

40,62941,72543,59844,80176.276.977.677.4

Ill or disabled

2,9522,7733,0752,8855.55.15.55.0

Retirement

36,70037,99839,44640,95768.870.070.270.8

Home responsibilities

7967038047191.51.31.41.2

School attendance

452551420.10.00.10.1

Other reasons

1362252211980.30.40.40.3

Note: The “other reasons” category includes people who reported that they could not find work and those who reported other unspecified reasons.

Source: Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC) to the Current Population Survey.

One limitation of the data from the ASEC on reasons for nonparticipation is that the estimates are restricted to people who did not work or look for work at all during the entire calendar year. The ASEC may therefore have underestimated nonparticipation during the initial years of the pandemic. Specifically, because the main initial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic did not occur until March 2020, people who left the labor force because of the pandemic but who had worked or looked for work during the early part of 2020 would not be in the universe for ASEC questions on reasons for nonparticipation. Also, as vaccinations and treatments for COVID-19 became available, it appears that many workers who left the labor force during the early part of the pandemic began returning to work or engaging in an active job search.38 If these individuals returned to the labor force in the latter part of 2021 or 2022, for example, they would not be included in the ASEC data on reasons for nonparticipation for that year.

Chart 23 and table 5 show data on the reasons for nonparticipation from 2019 to 2022. The percentage of the population aged 16 and older that did not work or look for work and cited retirement as their reason for not working rose from 16.8 percent in 2019 to 18.3 percent in 2022.39 The percentages of people who did not work due to illness or disability, home responsibilities, school attendance, and “other reasons” did not change appreciably from 2019 to 2022.40

As mentioned previously, the COVID-19 pandemic and efforts to contain it resulted in a sharp increase in the number of people who were not in the labor force. From 2019 and 2022, the number of people who did not work or look for work rose by 5.8 million. Of this 5.8-million increase, 5.0 million, or about 87 percent, was due to retirement.41 (See chart 24.)

Between 2019 and 2022, people aged 65 and older accounted for about 85 percent of the 5.0 million increase in the number of people who were not in the labor force because of retirement.42 During this period, men and women aged 20 to 24 and men aged 25 to 54 were responsible for much of the 428,000 increase in the number of people who did not work because of home responsibilities.43 Meanwhile, the number of people who were not in the labor force for “other reasons” rose by 788,000, and the gain was spread across all major demographic groups.

Summary

According to the Annual Social and Economic Supplement to the Current Population Survey, the labor force nonparticipation rate—the percentage of the population aged 16 and older that is not in the labor force—reached a low of 28.7 percent in 1999 and subsequently increased to 35.5 percent in 2022. From 1999 to 2022, there was an increase in nonparticipation due to retirement, school attendance, illness or disability, and “other reasons.” Nearly three-fourths of the total increase in nonparticipation over the period was due to retirement.

The rise in labor force nonparticipation over the 1999–2022 period occurred across most of the major demographic groups. Teenagers experienced the steepest increase in nonparticipation, while nonparticipation rose more gradually among young adults aged 20 to 24. School attendance was the most common reason given for not working by both teenagers and young adults.

The labor force nonparticipation rate of men aged 25 to 54 also increased from 1999 to 2022. Illness or disability was the most common reason men gave for not working. The increase in nonparticipation among men with less education was greater than that of men with more education. The labor force nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 also rose from 1999 to 2022. Home responsibilities, followed by illness or disability, were the most common reasons women cited for not working. The rise in nonparticipation of women aged 25 to 54 was most pronounced for those who did not attend college. Women with a college degree experienced a much smaller rise in labor force nonparticipation.

Labor force nonparticipation rates of people aged 55 to 64 and those aged 65 and older declined from 1999 to 2022. Both groups were most likely to cite retirement as their main reason for not working. From 1999 to 2022, the number of people aged 55 and older who cited retirement as their main reason for not working rose from 27.3 million to 47.0 million. However, because of strong labor force growth in the expanding population of older adults during this period, the percentage of older adults who cited retirement as their main reason for not working actually fell.

In early 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic and efforts to contain it struck the labor force. Data from the ASEC show that the overall nonparticipation rate rose from 34.0 percent in 2019 to 35.5 percent in 2022, and the increase was primarily due to a rise in retirement.

Suggested citation:

Steven F. Hipple, "Why did labor force nonparticipation increase from 1999 to 2022?," Monthly Labor Review, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, September 2024, https://doi.org/10.21916/mlr.2024.17

Notes


1 The Current Population Survey (CPS) is a monthly survey of households conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau. The CPS provides data on the labor force, employment, unemployment, people who are not in the labor force, hours of work, earnings, and other demographic and labor force characteristics. The CPS universe is the civilian noninstitutional population aged 16 years and older residing in the 50 states and the District of Columbia who are not inmates of institutions (for example, prisons, jails and other correctional institutions and detention centers or residential care facilities such as skilled nursing homes) and who are not on active duty in the Armed Forces. For more information, see “Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey,” U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, accessed July 10, 2024, https://www.bls.gov/cps/. For more information on the CPS Annual Social and Economic Supplement (ASEC), see “Annual Social and Economic Supplements,” U.S. Census Bureau, last revised September 4, 2024, https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/time-series/demo/cps/cps-asec.html.

2 The ASEC data differ from the monthly CPS figures in that they reflect labor force activity during an entire calendar year rather than during the 1-week reference period that is used in the monthly CPS.

3 In this article, people were considered to be not in the labor force if they answered “no” to the following three questions from the ASEC questionnaire:

1.      “Did ___ work at a job or business at any time during 20__?”

2.      “Did ___ do any temporary, part-time, or seasonal work even for a few days in 20__?”

3.      “Even though ___ did not work in 20__, did ___ spend any time trying to find a job or on layoff?”

A fourth question asked the main reason for not working:

4.      “What was the main reason ___ did not work in 20__?” (Interviewer is instructed to read response options, if necessary.)

a.      Ill or disabled and unable to work

b.      Retired

c.      Taking care of home or family

d.      Going to school

e.      Could not find work

f.       Doing something else

4 Data on labor force nonparticipation due to retirement are based on self-reported responses (or responses from their proxies) collected in question 4 shown in note 3. Although data on nonparticipation due to retirement are presented throughout this article, there is no widely held definition of what it means to be retired, nor is retirement a defined concept in the CPS. Some literature suggests that retirement may describe a range of situations. One possible definition is the point at which someone begins receiving Social Security benefits or benefits from an employer-provided pension plan. Another possible definition is the point at which someone permanently withdraws from the labor force, although the concept of permanence is difficult to measure in a household survey because someone can choose to reenter the labor force. The challenge of defining retirement is illustrated by the following example: A person who had a long military career could “retire” in the sense of taking a military pension. He or she could then work for a number of years in a civilian job, take a private pension and Social Security benefits, and then continue to work as an independent consultant during “retirement.”

Of the 94.5 million people who did not work or look for work in 2022, the number who cited “could not find work” as their main reason for not working was 987,000, or 0.4 percent of the total civilian noninstitutional population. It is unclear why people who said that they did not look for work in the previous year would provide this response. One possibility is that they did not engage in an active job search and instead perceived that no work was available for them. This would be a type of nonsampling error, which can include misinterpretation of questions by survey respondents, inability or unwillingness of respondents to provide correct information, inability of respondents to recall information, and errors made in collecting and processing data. In this article, the category “could not find work” is included in the “other reasons” category.

5 In this article, the ASEC response categories for the reasons for not working were renamed as follows:  “ill or disabled and unable to work” was renamed “illness or disability”; “retired” was renamed “retirement”; “taking care of home or family” was renamed “home responsibilities”; “going to school” was renamed “school attendance”; and the categories “could not find work” and “doing something else” were combined into a category named “other reasons.”

6 The labor force nonparticipation rate is equal to 100 minus the labor force participation rate. The participation rate is calculated by dividing the civilian labor force (i.e., the sum of the employed and unemployed) by the total civilian noninstitutional population. The “low point” in the overall nonparticipation rate is based on ASEC data from 1987 to 2022, and it was 28.7 percent in 1999. By comparison, data from the monthly Basic CPS for March (not seasonally adjusted) from 1948 to 2022 indicate that the overall nonparticipation rate fell to a low point of 32.9 percent in 2000.

7 The oldest baby boomers reached 76 years of age in 2022. For more information on the aging of the baby-boom generation, see Luke Rogers and Kristie Wilder, “Shift in working-age population relative to older and younger Americans,” America Counts: Stories Behind the Numbers (U.S. Census Bureau, June 25, 2020), https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2020/06/working-age-population-not-keeping-pace-with-growth-in-older-americans.html. For additional information on the aging of the population, see Zoe Caplan, “U.S. older population grew from 2010 to 2020 at fastest rate since 1880 to 1890,” America Counts: Stories Behind the Numbers (U.S. Census Bureau, May 25, 2023), https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2023/05/2020-census-united-states-older-population-grew.html.

8 For more information on the aging of the population and its impact on the labor force, see Kevin S. Dubina, “Labor force and macroeconomic projections overview and highlights, 2022–32” Monthly Labor Review, September 2023, https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/2023/article/labor-force-and-macroeconomic-projections.htm.

9 ASEC data on nonparticipation from 1987 to 2022 were available to the author.

10 The Business Cycle Dating Committee of the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), which is the generally recognized or “quasi-official” arbiter of business cycle starting and ending dates, designated March 1991 as the trough, or endpoint, of the recession that began in July 1990. Although the recession ended in early 1991, economic growth was relatively slow in that year and most of 1992. For more information  on the NBER-designated recession dates, see “U.S. business cycle expansions and contractions” (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2024), https://www.nber.org/research/data/us-business-cycle-expansions-and-contractions.

11 The NBER dating committee determined that June 2009 was the endpoint of the recession that began in December 2007. Often called the “Great Recession,” the 2007–09 recession was one of the most severe economic downturns since the 1930s. See “U.S. business cycle expansions and contractions.”

12 The rising school enrollment rate among teenagers could have contributed to their increasing labor force nonparticipation rate, because those enrolled in school are much more likely to be labor force nonparticipants. See “2022 CPS October enrollment tables: Table 6. Employment status and enrollment in vocational courses for the population 15 years old and over, by sex, age, educational attainment, and college enrollment, October 2022” (U.S. Census Bureau, October 23, 2023), https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2022/demo/school-enrollment/2022-cps.html.

13 Based on ASEC data from 1987 to 2022, the low point in the nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 was 18.7 percent in 1999. By comparison, data from the monthly Basic CPS for March (not seasonally adjusted) from 1948 to 2022 indicate that the nonparticipation rate of women aged 25 to 54 fell to a low point of 22.5 percent in 2000.

14 The labor force participation rate of women aged 25 to 54 rose steadily during the late 2010s, and it was close to a record-high when the COVID-19 pandemic struck the labor market in early 2020. Strong labor market conditions and rising wages during the late 2010s might have encouraged more women (and men) aged 25 to 54 to enter the labor force. See Jaison R. Abel and Richard Deitz, “Women’s labor force participation was rising to record highs—until the pandemic hit,” Liberty Street Economics (blog), Federal Reserve Bank of New York, May 10, 2021, https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2021/05/womens-labor-force-participation-was-rising-to-record-highsuntil-the-pandemic-hit/.

15 Based on ASEC data from 1987 to 2022, the low point in the nonparticipation rate of people aged 55 to 64 was 30.0 percent in 2019. By comparison, data from the monthly Basic CPS for March (not seasonally adjusted) from 1948 to 2022 indicate that the nonparticipation rate of people aged 55 to 64 fell to low points of 34.5 percent in 2010, 2020, and 2022.

16 Based on ASEC data from 1987 to 2022, the low point in the nonparticipation rate of people aged 65 and older was 76.2 percent in 2018 and 2019. By comparison, data from the monthly Basic CPS for March (not seasonally adjusted) from 1948 to 2022 indicate that the nonparticipation rate of people aged 65 and older fell to a low point of 72.9 percent in 1950.

17 Information on reasons why people are not in the labor force is also available from the monthly Basic CPS. Although the monthly CPS and ASEC have different questions related to nonparticipation, the resulting data on nonparticipation show similar trends between 1999 and 2022. For more information on the data from the Basic CPS on reasons why people are not participating in the labor force, see the Labor Force Participation Dynamics tool at Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, Center for Human Capital Dynamics (updated February 13, 2023), https://www.atlantafed.org/chcs/labor-force-participation-dynamics.

18 From 1999 to 2009, the college enrollment rate of recent high school graduates rose from 62.9 percent to 70.1 percent. From 2010 to 2018, the college enrollment rate stayed in a range between about 66 and 70 percent; it then dropped sharply to 61.8 percent in 2021 and remained close to that level, at 62.0 percent, in 2022. For more information on this drop in college enrollment, see Oksana Leukhina and Devin Werner, “College freshman enrollment drops during pandemic,” Regional Economist (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, March 1, 2021), https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/regional-economist/first-quarter-2021/college-freshman-enrollment-drops-pandemic. For an analysis of factors affecting teenage labor force participation, see Teresa L. Morisi, “Teen labor force participation before and after the Great Recession and beyond,” Monthly Labor Review, February 2017, https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/2017/article/teen-labor-force-participation-before-and-after-the-great-recession.htm.

19 Most Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) recipients do not work because of a disability. Information on SSDI recipients can therefore be compared to ASEC data on people who said they did not work due to illness or disability. The number of people who were receiving SSDI benefits increased from 4.9 million in 1999 to 8.9 million in 2013, or by an average of 290,000 per year. It edged up to 9.0 million in 2014. The number of SSDI recipients then declined from 9.0 million in 2014 to 7.6 million in 2022, or by an average of 169,000 per year. For historical data on SSDI recipients, see “Number of disabled workers and their dependents receiving benefits on December 31, 1970–2023” (table), Social Security Beneficiary Statistics, Social Security Administration (accessed August 20, 2024), https://www.ssa.gov/oact/STATS/DIbenies.html. The rise in the number of SSDI recipients during the 2000s has been attributed, in part, to the aging of the baby-boom population. See “Trends in Social Security Disability Insurance,” Briefing Paper no. 2019-01 (Social Security Administration, August 2019), https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/briefing-papers/bp2019-01.pdf. See also Chart Book: Social Security Disability Insurance (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, updated August 6, 2024), https://www.cbpp.org/research/social-security/social-security-disability-insurance-0. The decline in the number of SSDI recipients between 2015 and 2019 may have also been influenced by the strong labor market during this period and by the reduction in SSDI benefit approvals after appeal. See Siyan Liu and Laura D. Quinby, “Why did disability insurance rolls drop from 2015 to 2019?,” Issue in Brief, no. 23-18 (Chestnut Hill, MA: Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, August 29, 2023), https://crr.bc.edu/why-did-disability-insurance-rolls-drop-from-2015-to-2019/.

20 The number of people who were receiving Social Security retirement benefits from the Old Age Survivors and Disability Insurance (OASDI) program rose from 27.8 million in 1999 to 34.6 million in 2010, or by an average of 620,000 per year. From 2010 to 2022, the number of Social Security retirement beneficiaries rose from 34.6 million to 48.6 million, or by an average of about 1.2 million per year. For historical data on Social Security retirement beneficiaries, see “Number of retired workers and their dependents receiving benefits on December 31, 1970–2023” (table), Social Security Beneficiary Statistics, Social Security Administration (accessed August 20, 2024), https://www.ssa.gov/oact/STATS/OAbenies.html.

21 Implausible responses to the ASEC question on the main reason for not working, such as “retired” for teenagers or young adults, could be a form of nonsampling error. As stated in note 4, nonsampling error can include misinterpretation of questions by survey respondents, inability or unwillingness of respondents to provide correct information, inability of respondents to recall information, and errors made in collecting and processing data.

22 See Morisi, “Teen labor force participation before and after the Great Recession and beyond.”

23 The rise in the school enrollment rate of teenagers aged 16 to 19 from 1999 to 2011 appears to have been driven by an increase in the percentage of 16- to 19-year-olds who were enrolled in high school. This higher percentage of 16- to 19-year-olds enrolled in high school may have been due to a growing proportion of 16- to 17-year-olds in the 16- to-19-year-old age group during this period. Although most 16- to 17-year-olds were still in high school, many 18- to 19-year-olds had already completed high school.

24 The percentage of 20- to 24-year-olds enrolled in college increased from 31.7 percent in 1999 to 38.5 percent in 2012; it then receded, to 35.8 percent by 2022. During the late 2000s, the overall college enrollment rate was buoyed by poor labor market conditions associated with the 2007-2009 recession. See Erik P. Schmidt, “Postsecondary enrollment before, during, and since the Great Recession,” Current Population Reports, P20-580 (U.S. Census Bureau, April 2018), https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2018/demo/P20-580.pdf.

25 For an analysis of the decline in labor force participation (or rise in labor force nonparticipation) among successive generations of men aged 25 to 54, see Leila Bengali, Evgeniya A. Duzhak, and Cindy Zhao, “Men’s falling labor force participation across Generations,” FRBSF Economic Letter (Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, October 10, 2023), https://www.frbsf.org/wp-content/uploads/el2023-26.pdf. See also Didem Tüzemen, “Why are prime-age men vanishing from the labor force?,” Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Economic Review, vol. 103, no. 1 (first quarter 2018), pp. 5–30, https://www.kansascityfed.org/research/economic-review/1q18-tuzemen-why-prime-age-men-vanishing/.

26 For more information, see Persons with a Disability: Labor Force Characteristics—2022, USDL-23-0351 (U.S. Department of Labor, February 23, 2023), https://www.bls.gov/news.release/archives/disabl_02232023.pdf. See also Rebecca Leppert and Katherine Schaeffer, “8 facts about Americans with disabilities,” Short Reads (Pew Research Center, July 24, 2023), https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/07/24/8-facts-about-americans-with-disabilities/. In addition, see Janie-Lynn Kang, Megan Dunn, and Andrew Blank, “Labor force characteristics of people with a disability,” Spotlight on Statistics (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, October 2018), https://www.bls.gov/spotlight/2018/labor-force-characteristics-of-people-with-a-disability/home.htm.

27 For an overview of the SSDI program, see “Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI),” In Focus (Congressional Research Service, updated April 15, 2024), https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF10506.

28 For an analysis of the factors that contributed to the growth in the number of Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) recipients from 1980 to 2013, see Kathy A. Ruffing, “How much of the growth in disability insurance stems from demographic changes” (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, January 27, 2014), https://www.cbpp.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/1-27-14ss.pdf. See also Chart Book: Social Security Disability Insurance (cited in note 19). For historical data on SSDI recipients, see “Number of disabled workers and their dependents receiving benefits on December 31, 1970–2023.”

29 See Liu and Quinby, “Why did disability insurance rolls drop from 2015 to 2019?”

30 From 2000 to 2015, the average retirement age for men increased from 62.6 to 64.3 years, while the average retirement age for women rose from 61.1 to 62.3 years. See Alicia H. Munnell, “How to think about recent trends in the average retirement age?” Issue in Brief, no. 22-11 (Chestnut Hill, MA: Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, July 19, 2022), https://crr.bc.edu/briefs/how-to-think-about-recent-trends-in-the-average-retirement-age/.

31 From 2015 to 2021, the average retirement age for men edged up from 64.3 to 64.7 years, while the average retirement age for women remained at about 62 years. See Munnell, “How to think about recent trends in the average retirement age?” For historical data on Social Security retirement beneficiaries, see “Number of retired workers and their dependents receiving benefits on December 31, 1970–2023.”

32 For a summary of factors that contributed to a rise in the work activity of older adults, see Richard Fry and Dana Braga, “Older workers are growing in number and earning higher wages” (Pew Research Center, December 14, 2023), https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2023/12/ST_2023.12.14_Older-Workers_Report.pdf.

33 See “Trends in Social Security Disability Insurance.”

34 See Chart Book: Social Security Disability Insurance.

35 The NBER has determined that April 2020 was the endpoint of the recession that began in February 2020. See “U.S. business cycle expansions and contractions” (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2024), https://www.nber.org/research/data/us-business-cycle-expansions-and-contractions. For an analysis of trends in the labor force participation rate during the initial years of the COVID-19 pandemic, see Katharine G. Abraham and Lea E. Rendell, “Where are the missing workers? Anticipated and unanticipated labor supply changes in the pandemic’s aftermath,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Spring 2023, pp. 1–48, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/16653-BPEA-SP23_WEB_AbrahamRendell-session_print.pdf.

36 The decade-long economic expansion of the 2010s ended in early 2020, as the recession induced by the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in steep job losses of nearly 22 million over the 2-month span from February to April 2020. Although employment began to recover in May 2020, as COVID-19 restrictions were eased, total nonfarm payroll employment did not return to its prepandemic level until June 2022.

37 The 2022 and 2023 ASEC use Vintage 2021 population controls, based on the 2020 census, to create the supplemental weights. The 2020 and 2021 ASEC weights use Vintage 2020 controls, which are based on the 2010 Census. In this article, updated replicate weights, based on the 2020 Census, were applied to the 2020 and 2021 ASEC files to facilitate year-to-year analysis across consistently weighted data.

38 When the COVID-19 pandemic first hit the labor market, the labor force nonparticipation rate from the monthly Basic CPS jumped from 36.7 percent in February 2020 to 39.9 percent in April 2020. As the initial pandemic impact slowly subsided and people returned to the labor force, the nonparticipation rate receded to 37.7 percent by the end of 2022. See also Victoria Gregory and Joel Steinberg, “Labor force exits and COVID-19: Who left, and are they coming back?,” On the Economy Blog (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, October 4, 2021), https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2021/october/labor-force-exits-covid19.

39 In a blog post, researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis updated a model of retirement used in a previous working paper to estimate the number of “excess retirements” that occurred during the initial years of the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors found that there were approximately 2.4 million excess retirees from early 2020 to April 2023 over what would have been expected under normal conditions. See Miguel Faria e Castro and Samuel Jordan-Wood, “Excess retirements continue despite ebbing COVID-19 pandemic,” On the Economy Blog (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, June 22, 2023), https://www.stlouisfed.org/on-the-economy/2023/jun/excess-retirements-covid19-pandemic. For more information on retirement trends in the early part of the COVID-19 pandemic, see Jun Nie and Shu-Kuei X. Yang, “What has driven the recent increase in retirements?,” Economic Bulletin (Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, August 11, 2021), https://www.kansascityfed.org/research/economic-bulletin/what-has-driven-the-recent-increase-in-retirements/. See also Richard Fry, “Amid the pandemic, a rising share of older U.S. adults are retired,” Short Reads (Pew Research Center, November 4, 2021), https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/11/04/amid-the-pandemic-a-rising-share-of-older-u-s-adults-are-now-retired/.

40 A blog post discussed the problem of long COVID or the persistence of COVID-19 symptoms months or even years after infection. Although some with long COVID may have left the labor force, others appear to have benefited from workplace accommodations that allowed them to stay on the job. See Richard Deitz, “Long COVID appears to have led to a surge of the disabled in the workplace,” Liberty Street Economics (Federal Reserve Bank of New York, October 20, 2022), https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2022/10/long-covid-appears-to-have-led-to-a-surge-of-the-disabled-in-the-workplace/.

41 A blog post examined the decline in labor force participation (or the increase in nonparticipation) from February 2020 to February 2023, and it attributed nearly all of the “gap,” or change in the participation rate during this period, to population aging and retirement. See Mary Amiti, Sebastian Heise, Giorgio Topa, and Julia Wu, “What has driven the labor force participation gap since February 2020?,” Liberty Street Economics (Federal Reserve Bank of New York, March 30, 2023), https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2023/03/what-has-driven-the-labor-force-participation-gap-since-february-2020/.

42 A 2022 study used longitudinal administrative data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics (LEHD) program to examine how macroeconomic conditions impacted flows into and out of retirement. The study also provided an initial analysis of retirement during the COVID-19 pandemic. The author found that LEHD data provided additional evidence that retirement increased during recessions and that late-career job loss was the primary cause of flows into retirement. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic was especially striking; in 2020, there was an excess flow of 5 percent of older adult workers into retirement or partial retirement. See Erika McEntarfer, “Older workers, retirement, and macroeconomic shocks,” Working Paper 2022-13 (Wharton Pension Research Council, July 2022; last revised August 26, 2022), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4169082.

43 Between 2019 and 2022, the number of women aged 25 to 54 who cited home responsibilities as their main reason for not working did not change substantially (+17,000, or +0.2 percent). Of all the major age and gender groups, women aged 25 to 54 were the most likely to cite home responsibilities as their main reason for not working.

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About the Author

Steven F. Hipple
hipple.steve@bls.gov

Steven F. Hipple is an economist in the Office of Employment and Unemployment Statistics, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

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